2009年2月9日星期一

不聽老人言,吃虧在眼前

即時評論:戴志強‧不聽老人言
霹靂變天 評論 2009-02-07 19:06
http://www.sinchew-i.com/sciWWW/node/74127?tid=288


有一句老話:不聽老人言,吃虧在眼前。民聯如今陷入困境,正是不聽老人的話。

民主行動黨主席卡巴星現年68歲,是行動黨創黨元老之一,也是國內最著名的資深律師。卡巴星35年法律與政治生涯,跨越了3任首相,即敦拉薩、敦胡先翁及敦馬哈迪,吃鹽吃米。

卡巴星當上全國主席的象徵意義大過實質領導的意義,因為行動黨現在是年輕人的下,連“老佛爺”曾敏興也不再垂簾聽政,讓年輕人去發揮。


在年輕人眼中,卡巴星是食古不化的老人,而且不識時務之極。他不怕得罪任何人的牛脾氣,連法官也敢頂撞,就算形勢不妙,老人家還是捉住中指永不讓步。

巫統州議員那沙魯丁跳槽到公正黨時,民聯一片歡騰,就是不識趣的卡巴星在潑冷水,堅持認為跳槽違背民意,應修憲判跳槽違法。

民聯的年輕人都不爽老人家會掃興,因為年輕人都希望安華能進一步奪下中央政權,大家就有機會當部長。

霹靂州一朝變天,卡巴星並沒有落井下石。他看到霹靂州政權被人搶走,就像看到孫兒的玩具被鄰家的孩子搶走,老人家大罵鄰家壞孩子,還罵別人的家長不會教孩子,縱容孩子做壞事。
卡巴星直言無忌認為可以民聯起訴霹靂州蘇丹違憲,他是從法律角度作為出發點,但敵對陣營立即捉住這句話大作文章。


安華撇清,這是卡巴星的個人觀點,但電視台和馬來報章不間斷重覆這一句話。民聯為了擺脫背叛君主的指責,可能須要和老人家劃清界線。

這就是老人家常受到的對待,他擇善而固執,毫無保留傳授經驗,也毫不保留地護短。不過,年輕人未必領情,還會覺得老人家太多嘴,對於年輕人來說,我自己闖的禍我會自己揹,無須老人嘮嘮叨叨。


老人家沒有錯,有錯也是太寵愛孩子,因為孩子還沒長大。民聯只是未斷奶的孩子,依然須要老人家的提點。

家有一老,如有一寶,可惜年輕人都不喜歡這種寶,只喜歡跳草裙舞,想要一步登天,失足摔倒了,還要嫌心痛的老人家太囉嗦。

所以,許多老人家都學會閉嘴,明哲保身,但我希望卡巴星堅持他的理念和鬥爭。試問,大馬還有幾多政治人物能夠像卡巴星這樣,35年始終如一?

光明日報‧2009.02.07

2009年2月8日星期日

I admire MB Nizar for grit and determination in stand up against this Mighty tyrants

[ 转载 ] http://mrsmith2.blogspot.com/2009/02/raja-petra-you-could-be-wrong-very.html

We knew that Umno was trying to buy over our wakil rakyat. We knew they would eventually succeed. But we just stood and watched without launching a pre-emptive strike -- such as dissolving the state assembly when there was time to do so and when we still had the power to do so. (Raja Petra Kamarudin, No Holds Barred)

If only it was as simple as that.

Raja, allow me to explain why you could be wrong. Do you think UMNO did not know that a dissolution was on the cards. Yes, they did. That was why they sent their mole, Nasarudin, to cross over to give Pakatan a false sense of hope and confidence. Nasarudin even claimed that more BN were waiting to cross over, which was again to preempt such a move. Why dissolve the assembly when you had a 5 vote majority?

Remember Anwar said he never urged Nasarudin to cross over but it was Nasarudin who visited him to make known his intentions to join Pakatan. Also bear in mind that Nasarudin did not leave UMNO when he crossed over. He was still an UMNO member.

Then again, if Pakatan leaders were to take your advise and call for a vote to dissolve the Assembly what makes you think that Jamaludin, Osman and Hee would have supported the motion? What makes you think Nasarudin would have voted with Pakatan? He was a Trojan Horse, remember?

UMNO found its quarry in Jamaludin,Osman and Hee because they were the weak links in Pakatan and easy for the pick.

Most probably the trio were already bought over much earlier but allowed to stay on in Pakatan till the "right time".

OK. Forget the scenario above. What makes you think the sultan would have consented to the dissolution of the assembly? He would have rejected the MB's request as he was for a BN government. What makes you think that the sultan who could sack the MB unconstitutionally would accede to his request to dissolve the assembly.

The sultan and Najib know fully well that a snap election would spell the total annihilation of BN in Perak. Would they allow it to happen? What would happen to Gamuda?

Put all the pieces together and you will see an evil conspiracy.

As of today, in Malaysia, Might is Right. People who are defending democracy are being gassed and made into villeins. How could we condone this coup and wait for the General Elections to hit back?

I admire MB Nizar for grit and determination in stand up against this Mighty tyrants

2009年2月6日星期五

为救经济,霹苏丹应解散议会

为救经济,霹苏丹应解散议会

■日期/Feb 05, 2009
■作者/黄进发专栏
http://merdekareview.com/news.php?n=8689


【匈奴未灭/黄进发专栏】就算没有内忧,牛年本来前景就不看好。马来西亚的政治与经济稳定,现在更系于霹雳州的政局发展。

民联州政府在失去四位州议员后,已经实质倒台了。在波打州议员纳沙鲁丁回流之后,国阵现在掌握28席,与民联平分秋色,但是却得到三位在两天内脱离民联的“独立议员”支持。然而,要说州政权是国阵囊中之物,却是言之过早。

苏丹让国阵组织新州政府,只是霹雳政治危机的三个可能性发展之一。苏丹的第二个选择是按照《马来西亚局内人》(Malaysian Insider)的猜测,指示国阵与民联组织联合政府;然而,这两个选择的先决条件是在野党必须在议会内提出与通过不信任投票。

苏丹的第三个选择,也是最民主的选项,是御准州务大臣尼查解散州议会的要求,以便重新举行州选举。届时,新政府可能是民联、国阵,也可能因为出现各党都不过半的形势,最终出现大联合政府。

然而,选举与否的影响,不止于民主,更及于经济。在当前出现全球性衰退的时候,霹雳州与马来西亚全国都必须追求最适度的政治与经济稳定。

第一选项:国阵新政府

如果国阵真的如传言所谓将组织新政府,霹雳州的政治危机肯定只会恶化。拥有28席的民联,肯定会千方百计以其人之道、治其人之身,拉拢更多国阵议员。波打议员回朝,说明议员像货物般可以一再转手。如果有一天,脱离民联的那四个议员倦鸟知返,也不足为奇。

然而,我们必须问:霹雳州一年内要换多少个政府?而如果州政权一再更替,它怎能在经济风暴中领航?

当然,巫统也可能争取更多民联议员跳槽,以便巩固本身政权。1994年,安华领军的沙巴巫统就通过一波又一波的跳槽,把沙巴团结党的25席减至5席,让州政权易手。由于巫统在联邦势力稳如泰山,对沙巴州又志在必得,卡达山人精英与民众都无心抗争。

2009 年的霹雳不同于1994年的沙巴之处,正在于巫统继续执政不是必然,因此,反抗巫统并不是精卫填海的徒劳。从许月凤被标签为“华社公敌”、“汉奸”的民情 来判断,任何民联议员跳槽国阵至少就非马来人选民的市场而言是政治自杀。因此,巫统就算能够成立政府,也很可能是一个30个马来人、两个华人组成的巫统政 府,肯定不利于执政非马来人人口近半的霹雳州。

允许国阵走后门成立新政府的真正危险是,霹雳州的跳槽瘟疫将传染到隔邻的吉打与雪兰莪州;这两州分别只要有四和九个民联议员倒戈,就会变天。

巫统会不食髓知味,乘胜追击吗?安华又有可能坐以待毙吗?

从这个角度去看,霹雳苏丹不只是在为霹雳州作决定,也间接在决定吉雪两州能不能有政治稳定。如果人口众多的霹雳州、经济重镇的雪兰莪州都卷入无穷无尽的政治角力,马来西亚的经济有可能不受影响吗?霹雳州的决定最终影响的其实是整个马来西亚。

第二选项:大联合政府

相较之下,国阵与民联组织联合政府的危害较小。因为不能全盘胜利,国阵在吉打与雪兰莪制造类似“议会政变”的诱因会稍减,而民联支持者也比较可能不选择全面抗争。

然而,霹雳州本身将在经济发展上付出沉重代价。首先,朝野两个阵营必然为州行政议会的职位分配—尤其是利益重大的土地与工业等职务--争论不休。其二,双方恨彼此入骨,已不可能有君子作风,因此岂止将同床异梦,更肯定会在行政上互抽后腿。

这样内斗不休的政府,即使在承平时期也是国家不能承受之重,何况是在兵荒马乱的经济冬季?

第三选项:解散议会

解散议会是唯一符合经济利益的选项。为什么?当政府因为多数议席太小而倒台,重新举行的选举几乎肯定会逼使选民作出比较集中的选择。

1974年2月,英国选举产生了没有任何一党过半的“悬空国会”,最后由工党组织少数政府。同年10月,工党解散国会寻求委托,尽管只是取得微差多数,但这个政府继续执政了四年半,不再面对提前倒台的威胁。

在沙巴,沙巴团结党在1985年只赢得微差的25席,而主要对手沙统和人民党则取得22席。当沙巴在14个月后重新选举时,沙巴团结党取得了34席的稳定多数。

选择解散议会因此消解了更多跳槽的诱因。对于民意基础强盛的政党而言,它可以不必通过跳槽取得政权。对于民意基础衰弱的政党而言,即使成功诱发跳槽也不可能赢获政权。因此,各方只有回归民主政党政治的常规,经济也自然能够减低冲击与不安。

事实上,如果君主在政府面对倒阁时解散议会成了常规惯例,森美兰和中央的变天传闻很可能消失了,至少安华必须在确定民联准备面对选举前不敢轻举妄动。

去年3月8日以来,许多人对君主立宪怀抱重大希望。霹雳苏丹此次作出的决定,不但影响民主,更影响经济,也到头来可能影响公众对君主立宪制的拥戴。我们只能期盼英明的霹雳王室,将不负众望,成为国家拼经济时的宪政护法。

黄进发是政治学者、澳洲莫纳斯大学马来西亚分校讲师。

2009年2月3日星期二

尼查觐见霹州苏丹汇报政局 同意民联续执政不解散议会

尼查觐见霹州苏丹汇报政局
同意民联续执政不解散议会
2月3日 2点53分
nizar jamaluddin 100 days interview 180608 10
在跳槽风波闹得沸沸扬扬之际,霹雳州务大臣尼查昨日觐见霹雳苏丹阿兹兰沙汇报政局,获得苏丹同意由民联政府继续执政,仅需举行补选而不必解散州议会。

尼查也强烈否认外界盛传苏丹指示他解散州议会的说法,并强调虽然两名行政议员辞职,但是民联依然拥有3个议席的优势。

尼查与回教党署理主席纳沙鲁丁昨日深夜在怡保的大臣官邸召开临时记者会时,这么表示。纳沙鲁丁昨晚在大臣官邸主持回教党政治局会议。

“苏丹的反应是,现有政府继续执政,因为我们依然拥有多数优势。”

苏丹已掌握风波来龙去脉


尼查表示,他已经向苏丹陛下汇报美冷州议员贾玛鲁丁(Jamaluddin Mohd Radzi)和章卡遮令州议员莫哈末奥斯曼(Mohd Osman Mohd Jailu)辞去州议员职,以及议长已通知选委会进行补选的来龙去脉。

“陛下已掌握整个事发过程。陛下只是要知道州政府的情况,而民联政府依然稳固。”

“我已经会晤了所有州议员,他们都表示支持州政府。”

“一些传闻指苏丹要求解散州议会是不正确的,陛下自己也非常了解,关于举行补选的程序与方法。”

他说,上述两名议员辞职的问题,将待选委会在周二的会议结果出炉后,再做进一步的讨论。

相信两人将尽快申请庭令


另一方面,纳沙鲁丁指出,回教党全力支持民联州政府悬空两个州议席的立场,并将给予全面合作以确保民联赢得美冷和章卡遮令补选。

受询及若贾玛鲁丁与莫哈末奥斯曼于明日向法庭申请庭令,禁止选委会宣布补选时,纳沙鲁丁回应,民联将见机行事。

尼查则相信,两人很大可能将在最短的时间内申请庭令。

不过他认为,随着民联一连在巴东埔和瓜登两场补选告捷,即将举行的两场霹雳州议席选举,民联也是胜券在握。

他也不断强调,民联州政府依然拥有多数优势,是一个稳定的政府 ,一切照常运作。
苏丹已掌握风波来龙去脉
相信两人将尽快申请庭令

限选委会48小时内撤回决定 霹州政府恫言入禀法庭挑战


限选委会48小时内撤回决定
霹州政府恫言入禀法庭挑战

2月3日 傍晚6点27分
http://www.malaysiakini.com/news/97518


霹州跳槽风波继续延烧,霹雳州高级行政议员倪可汉[ngeh koo ham]向选委会发出48小时通牒,要求选委会收回美冷与章吉遮令州议席无需补选的决定,否则州政府可能入禀法庭。

他说,如果选委会拒绝收回决定,州政府将会采取必要的行动,包括可能入禀法庭挑战有关决定。

“选委会已经侵占了议长的功能,滥用本身的角色。选委会的功能是举行选举,而不是决定是否应该举行选举。”

选举委员会今日议决,霹雳州的章卡遮令(Changkat Jering)和美冷(Behrang)两个州议席维持现状,不需进行补选。

选委会的理由是,由于接获来自霹雳州议长西华古玛(V Sivakumar)所提呈的辞职信,及两名失踪议员较后呈上的否认辞职信函,导致选委会对有关的辞职信产生疑惑,因此无法裁决该两议席悬空。

选委会无权鉴定辞函合法性

也是霹雳州行动党主席的倪可汉,在该党总部举行新闻发布会说,辞职信的合法性不轮到议长或选委会的鉴定,而是必须根据有关信件行事。

他说,根据联邦宪法第113条文,选委会必须举办选举,而无权质疑议长的决定。

“在这种情况下,选委会甚至可以在接获首相通知国会解散后,拒绝举办选举。”

“任何争议可以带上法庭,我们并不是说没有解决的管道,但是任何不满都应该交由法庭解决。”

显示选委会对民联存有偏见

他说,虽然民联不想把此事带上庭,但是在48小时通牒届满后,民联将必须重新考虑。

他说,选委会拒绝召开补选清楚显示它对民联政府存有偏见。

*选委会无权鉴定辞函合法性
*显示选委会对民联存有偏见

闪电大选恐会大难临头 国阵招降或将加速败亡

闪电大选恐会大难临头
国阵招降或将加速败亡

■日期/Feb 02, 2009
■作者/本刊特约黄进发


【本刊特约黄进发撰述】霹雳州发生公正党两名行政议员跳槽疑云,虽然该党壮士断腕,立即代他们辞去州议席,然而,他们已经否定辞职的有效性。如果最终两人辞职宣告无效,民联州政府所享有的议会多数,将从五席(32:27)降至一席(30:29)。

如此一来,国阵只要再拉拢一个人跳槽,民联政府就倒台,其执政州属将从四个降至一个。如果你的新闻来源是平面或电子主流媒体,你得到的讯息是民联面对危机,霹雳州陷入混乱。不但许多民联的支持者惶惶不可终日,即使其一些领袖也不可免。

我 的解读恰好相反。如果霹雳州民联政府因此倒台,真正的输家不是民联,而是国阵与巫统,因为他们将加速败亡。如果说安华当初拉拢巫统波达区州议员纳沙鲁丁跳 槽是玩火,那么今天巫统还以颜色的做法更加是玩火,因为他们已经日薄西山,没有条件玩火了。然而,巫统会因玩火而引火上身,这样的发展需要一个条件:闪电 大选。

巫统政权公投

为什么国阵逼使民联解散州议会,将是自寻死路?

你看一看现有州议会的议席形势就知道结果。民联占了32 席:其中民主行动党18席(全部非马来人议员当选)、公正党8席(其中四席由非马来人议员当选),回教党6席。而在野的国阵有27席,除了一席是马华公会 所有外,其它都是巫统党籍者。而回教党州务大臣尼查与“已辞职”的公正党行政议员嘉玛鲁丁都是在国大党的选区获胜。因此,马来超多数选区只有34席,而另 外25 席是非马来人占多数或混合选区。

马来人和非马来人,将会怎样投票?

今天,国阵要推翻州政府其实师出无名。上台十个月来,除了上述两名公正党行政议员的贪污案件,民联州政府并没有任何重大贪污、舞弊、无能的丑闻。不但如此,州政府去年的税收还增加了9千7百万,涨幅达15%。

闪电州选举因此将是一场公投:要不要复辟让巫统支配州政府?

国阵左右受敌

308以来,巫统不但没有挽回非马来人选民的心,反而倒行逆施,让阿末依斯迈(右图)、慕克里斯等人的言论、加剧的警方暴行,使他们更加对国阵离心离德。因此,国阵不可能期待瓜登补选中华裔选票原封不动的形势会在霹雳州重演?

相反的,变天之风将会更猛地吹向霹雳州,很可能导致国阵在25个非马来人占多数或混合选区全军覆没。从这个角度来看,巫统的夺权行动其实完全没有考虑到非马来人盟党的存亡问题。然而,当这些友党发现308的反巫统情绪在一年后有增无减,它们是否真的还愿意与待它们如奴仆的巫统共存亡?

如果不愿,雪兰莪、森美兰、马六甲、柔佛的国阵州政权会不会面临,不管巫统议员是否倒戈,但是非马来人议员肯定有人掉队的局面?

这是巫统为玩火所可能付出的第一个代价。

如果民联果然拿下25个非马来人或混合区,那么要取得简单多数执政,民联只需要赢得保住现有8个 马来选区中的5个而已。民联有可能那么不得马来人民心,以致5席都保不住吗?

真正面临危机的其实是巫统。峇东埔、瓜登两场补选中,巫统明显面对两个问题:内斗、竞选机器失灵。这两个问题在霹雳州并没有解决。

然 而,更危险的是,霹雳州是多元族群的州属,因此,马来人失去政权的危机感更加严重。如果非马来人已经基本上决定了州政权归属,马来选民其实只有两个选择: 投选公正党或回教党,以便马来人多数在朝;投选巫统,以便马来人多数在野。从这个角度去看,如果巫统继续唱马来人大团结的调子,到头来那只会变成它的哀 歌。这样的败绩当然也会加剧巫统人员的流失。

这是巫统为玩火所可能付出的第二个代价。

这两个代价的结果是,民联州政府很可能只会变得更加强大,加剧森美兰等州变天的可能性

胜不如输的吊诡局面

万一巫统用尽肮脏手段,成功在大多数马来选区险胜,让民联连5席也不可得;那怎么办?

吊诡的是,这样的胜利其实比失败更惨。第一,公正党和回教党如果取得近半选票,却以微差败阵,导致政权易手,肯定不会善罢,反选举舞弊的示威、公民不合作运动肯定会席卷霹雳州。

第二,在非马来人盟党全军覆没的情况下,巫统单独执政将是马来人在朝、非马来人在野的新局面,这是连1969 年后都不曾出现的情形。巫统很难期待民联的非马来人议员跳槽,因为巫统已是强弩之末,倒戈的荣华富贵可能只有短短一两年,代价却是被非马来人选民视为叛 徒,从此政治上永不超生。这和1994年的沙巴不一样。当时,巫统看起来会继续执政一万年,因此,大部分卡达山政治人物与选民都没有长期作战的斗志。

面 对半数马来人选民与几乎全部非马来人选民的敌视与对抗,巫统要怎样管治一个马来人、非马来人人数几乎平分秋色的州属?霹雳州因此将陷入真正的乱局。不管巫 统的联邦政府会不会宣布紧急状态,巫统将不再是“稳定”的保障,反而,代表“混乱”。这是即使烈火莫熄时代都未曾发生的事。

过去,许多人容忍巫统的霸道,只是因为它至少可以确保“稳定”。如果连这都做不到了,那么巫统还有什么价值呢?

对巫统而言,执政霹雳州而陷入混乱将是棺材上最后一口钉,因为,即使它能够苟延残息,它也不可能再执政了。

奇迹?

简 单而言,如果霹雳州举行闪电大选,巫统输了固然很惨,险胜也是踏进地雷阵。唯一的奇迹,就是州政府宁可不举行大选,而拱手让出政权?然而,州务大臣尼查为 什么要帮助敌人,而选择不解散州议会?如果他请求解散州议会,英明的霹雳州苏丹为什么要放弃本身的令名,拒绝州务大臣的合理要求来救巫统?

作者是政治学者、莫纳斯大学双威校园讲师

2009年1月25日星期日

For Israel's future, Obama should put support on paper

For Israel's future, Obama should put support on paper

Barry Cohen | January 26, 2009
Article from:http://www.theaustralian.news.com.au/story/0,25197,24961775-7583,00.html


I'VE not had the pleasure of meeting Israel's foreign affairs spokesman Yigal Palmor but he became my favourite diplomat after describing recent criticism of Israel as "unqualified bullshit". I wonder what he really thinks?

Since Israel decided that 60 rockets a day was more than any country should have to tolerate, the global media has accused Israel of every evil imaginable. They have been aided and abetted by, supposedly, non-political UN Relief and Works Agency officials who are more extreme in their anti-Israeli venom than Hamas terrorists.

The "bullshit" is exemplified by a Sydney Morning Herald headline from last week: "Israel kept UN aid out of Gaza." Israel has been accused of crimes against humanity for refusing to permit the passage of food, medical supplies, oil, electricity (used to make rockets) and other essentials required to destroy Israel.

The precedence, undoubtedly, was that set by Britain and the US during World War II. We all know how accommodating they were in ensuring Germany and Japan were well supplied with food and fuel.

There are times when one fears for one's sanity when listening to such rubbish. How many thousands more rockets must Israelis endure before they are permitted to defend themselves? What happens as the rockets become bigger and more accurate?

The few who concede Israel has the right to defend itself then argue that the rockets aren't very accurate. Some consolation if you have to run for air-raid shelters 60 times a day. Unlike Hamas, Israel protects its citizens by building air-raid shelters.

Imagine for a moment the reactions of the good burghers of Canberra, Melbourne and Sydney if rockets were fired into their neighbourhood. Contemplate what they would say to Kevin Rudd. "Wipe the bastards out" for openers. That has not been Israel's response. After 10,000 rockets over eight years, it has been remarkably restrained. However, when Hamas resumed attacks Israel decided enough was enough.

When three years ago Israel unilaterally handed Gaza over to the Palestinian Authority, Hamas and Fatah had the opportunity, once again, to negotiate a permanent peace with Israel and the creation of a Palestinian state. Hamas preferred war, bloodshed and martyrdom. Having been democratically elected Hamas claimed a mandate. Israel, it appears, was expected to endorse the mandate that called for its own destruction.

To understand the minds of those Israel is dealing with, consider the statement of Hamas supremo, Khaled Meshaal. From the safety of Damascus, he described the recent war in which 1300 Palestinians and 13 Israelis died, as an "unequivocal victory". And a defeat?

The word in vogue to describe Israel's destruction of rocket sites, weapons stores and Hamas terrorists has been "disproportionate": a word not much used during the London Blitz, which resulted in the deaths of 67,000 British civilians. Arthur Harris, commander-in-chief of bomber command, decided to "proportionally" flatten German cities: 600,000 German civilians died.

In the Pacific the US lost 1700 civilians, mostly at Pearl Harbor, while Australia lost 700, primarily in Darwin. The US response was to "proportionately" bomb Japanese cities killing 580,000 civilians. Tokyo, Hiroshima and Nagasaki remember it well.

Had Hamas decided not to deliberately place their civilian population, arms and combatants inside schools, hospitals and mosques, far fewer innocents would have been killed and injured.

What happens now? Hamas claims it will continue to bombard Israel while one Israeli soldier remains in Gaza, ignoring the fact that three years ago Israel unilaterally withdrew from Gaza. The rocket attacks increased.

So where to now? The most oft repeated cliche regarding the Israel-Palestine dispute is that it's a very complex matter. I beg to differ. The Islamic world and the Palestinians in particular must accept that Israel will always exist. Not through the next truce or ceasefire but forever.

Israel's critics demand that it negotiate with Hamas, Hezbollah and Fatah, to create a Palestinian state, conveniently forgetting that Israelis have tried repeatedly to do so without success. How do you negotiate with those who, at the end of the negotiations, say:"No matter what we agree to we will destroy you"?

It's a cliche to say that the Arabs can lose a hundred wars and survive while Israel cannot lose one. If the Palestinians are encouraged to believe that eventually they will triumph no one should be surprised that after each defeat they regroup, rearm and plan the next onslaught.

Yasser Arafat taught the Palestinians to believe that even if they lost a battle they would win the propaganda war. With their friends in the left-liberal media how could it have been otherwise? They must be convinced they can never destroy Israel.

Since its founding in 1948 Israel's proud boast has been that it has never asked any other country to fight its battles. It has had considerable support from the US but that support has not been one way. Israeli intelligence, military technology and scientific know-how has been Israel's payback. Israel is also the US's only reliable ally in the Middle East. It is almost certain that if Israel were under savage attack and in danger of going under, the US would come to its aid. There is, however, no formal agreement, pact or treaty to support that unstated undertaking. Which suggests the question, "Why not?"

The only way, to deter Israel's enemies is for the US to say unequivocally that it would never allow Israel to be destroyed. Most Westerners find it impossible to comprehend the mind of those Islamic fundamentalists who welcome death and martyrdom, particularly if it is achieved in an attempt to destroy Israel. On the assumption that not all Palestinians want to go to Paradise before the last possible moment, a declaration by the US and a formal agreement that it would intervene if Israel was under serious threat would have sane Palestinians looking for a peaceful solution. It's an idea the 44th President of the US might consider.