2009年9月27日星期日

法老说:「我即是神」


毫不留情∶法老说:「我即是神」

选举中,超过2千6百万大马人付钱给798名大马人,雇用他们作为人民的仆人来为人民办事。他们的工作和薪水来自人民,人民掏出他们的口袋,支付薪水给这群798名被选中的大马人。


彭苏丹吁人民支持国阵

【马新社。瓜拉吉挠24日马新社讯】为了在社会、经济及教育方面取得更多的发展,彭亨州苏丹阿末沙殿下呼吁该州人民继续支持国阵政府以期从中受惠。

殿下说,人民必须继续与政府合作,因为无论未来所策划的短期或长远发展计划都会持续为他们带来好处。

他举例,总值6400万令吉跨越瓜拉吉挠及彭亨河的大桥建筑工程,就是其中之一利民的发展项目,居住当地河岸两端的人民日后的交通更为方便。

「瓜拉吉挠大桥旨在缩短位于增卡的敦拉萨镇与瓜拉吉挠长达20分钟的路程。在这之前,该路程距离长达55公里,且耗时1小时车程。」

「此外,这座桥将路程缩短至22公里,为高达6万人口的敦拉萨镇、而连突及淡不落居民的发展催化剂。」

殿下今日巡视瓜拉吉挠大桥工地后,对记者发表上述谈话。

阿末沙殿下也促请公共工程局(JKR)在该桥上建设摩托车通道以确保摩托骑士的安全。

*************************************************
法老曾说过,我是神。

摩斯回答,你不是神。

法老问道,为何你说我不是神?

莫斯回答,因为神可给予生命,同时,神可夺取生命。

法老说,好吧!现在我就赐你死罪。

可是,当皇宫守卫把摩斯拖去砍头前,法老继续说到,现在,我撤销你的死罪。

法老说,你看吧!我刚刚取走你的生命,接着,我又把生命归还于你。因此,既然我可以给予生命,同时我可以夺取生命,这就意味着我是神。

巫统说,国阵是执政党,国阵可以为人民带来发展,国阵建造了道路、学校、医院等等,人民应该感激国阵,为了表现出感恩,人民必须投选国阵。

国阵就像是法老,法老善用迂回逻辑,国阵也会利用迂回逻辑。因此,国阵和法老有同样的思想。那些因为某种原因而觉得亏欠国阵的人们,其中包括统治者在内,他们主张人民必须支持国阵,因为国阵会带来发展,这些人也同样的有法老的思想。

国阵并没有为人民带来发展,就如同法老无法让人起死回生,带给人民发展的是人民自己,而人民通过纳税和选出一个政府来管理他们的纳税钱,以为人民自己带来发展。

如果人民拒绝缴税,如果人民拒绝投选国阵以让他们执政,如果是这样,不单只是国阵将无法有任何的钱来发展国家,同时国阵将没有权力发展这个国家。尽管它有钱,可是,却只有执政的政府可以发展这个国家,首先,必须假设的是人民给他们钱,他们才有办法这样做。

这个系统的运作是这样的:人民给政府钱,然后,人民去投票站委托222名大马人对联邦,和另外576名大马人对州属,以管理人民的钱。在2千6百万大马人之中,总共有798人将被授权管理人民的钱。

由此可见,798名大马人必须感恩超过2千6百万大马人。超过2千6百万大马人无需感恩这798名被选中当官的大马人。

选举中,超过2千6百万大马人付钱给798名大马人,雇用他们作为人民的仆人来为人民办事。他们的工作和薪水来自人民,人民掏出他们的口袋,支付薪水给这群798名被选中的大马人。

超过2千6百万大马人也支付了这个国家的发展,2超过2千6百万大马人缴税给政府,政府利用这笔钱来建造道路、学校、医院等等。

每年到了11月份,政府在国会中提呈它的预算,以让222中选的大马人批准。这222名中选的大马人必须代表超过2千6百万大马人检查这份预算,并告诉国会是否这是人民付出他们的钱之后他们真正想要的。如果这不是超过2千6百万大马人想要的,那这份预算必须被收回重新草拟,直到人民满意为止。

如果这222名中选的大马人不小心翼翼的把预算查清楚,不检查清楚人民的钱是如何被花掉的话,超过2千6百万的大马人将会炒掉这222名中选的大马人的鱿鱼。每五年一次的选举时将会有这个动作,这时,798名中选的联邦级和州级的大马人会回来央求超过2千6百万的大马人继续聘用他们多五年,里头附带薪水。

这就是这个系统的运作法。同时,别让任何人,即使他也许是一名统治者,来告诉你其他的方法。法老也企图玩弄把戏,他以为自己是神,而法老是当时最有权力的人,天下无人可以比拟,即使是历史上最大的独裁者也不过如此。可是神给了法老一记重锤,而超过2千6百万大马人不是神,如果这798名中选的大马人有法老的思想,他们这些收了我们的钱,利用我们的钱办事,可是却要求我们对他们感恩,我们将给这798名中选的大马人一记重锤。

这些苏丹们最好小心点,他们不比法老强大,哎呀!他们甚至就连那798名中选后被送去办事的大马人还要不如。人民不想对国阵心存感恩,人民也无须对国阵心存感恩,反而是国阵必须感激人民,喂!甚至就连苏丹也必须感激人民。没有了人民的钱,他们只能『吃沙』(马来人说的“makan pasir”)。当哪天人民不再缴税,不再投票给国阵的时候,到了那一天,这些权力在握的人士才会觉悟到人民比他们更加强大,比法老还要强大,这时,全马人民都是法老思想。

附录:对穆斯林而言,称他们为法老是个巨大的耻辱,因此,我呼吁《今日大马》的读者不要称我们民选和非民选的领袖,比方说苏丹,为法老。他们会因此暴跳如雷。

出处∶Malaysia Today
原题∶
No Hold Barred∶I am God, said the Pharaoh
作者  ∶拉惹柏特拉
发表日期∶24-09-2009
翻译  ∶西西留








2009年9月22日星期二

A letter to the global church from the Protestant Church of Smyrna


A letter to the global church from the Protestant Church of Smyrna

Last month, three believers were brutally murdered in Turkey. The Protestant church in Smyrna, nearby where the killing occurred have written “a letter to the global church from the Protestant Church of Smyrna,” which is reproduced in its entirety below.

My question to the “emerging church” is does it feel addressed by this letter, as part of ‘the global church’?

I think this is a relevant question because many emerging church questions and responses seem to be concerned with re-engaging with a westernised church, society and culture. Consequently, from within the emergent-church culture, episodes such as this one in Turkey can seem both “out of left field” geographically and culturally and, even more starkly, may be viewed as “the inevitable result of confrontational evangelism” (some might say, evangelicalism).

Thus, my question is does the emerging church feel addressed by this letter, as part of ‘the global church’? And if so, what is it saying to the emerging church?

[Be warned: this does not make pleasant reading - Andrew.]

Dear friends,

This past week has been filled with much sorrow. Many of you have heard by now of our devastating loss here in an event that took place in Malatya, a Turkish province 300 miles northeast of Antioch, the city where believers were first called Christians (Acts 11:26).

On Wednesday morning, April 18, 2007, 46 year old German missionary and father of three Tilman Geske prepared to go to his office, kissing his wife goodbye taking a moment to hug his son and give him the priceless memory, “Goodbye, son. I love you.” Tilman rented an office space from Zirve Publishing where he was preparing notes for the new Turkish Study Bible. Zirve was also the location of the Malatya Evangelist Church office. A ministry of the church, Zirve prints and distributes Christian literature to Ma latya and nearby cities in Eastern Turkey.

In another area of town, 35 year old Pastor Necati Aydin, father of two, said goodbye to his wife, leaving for the office as well. They had a morning Bible Study and prayer meeting that some other believers in town would also be attending.

Ugur Yuksel likewise made his way to the Bible study.

None of these three men knew that what awaited them at the Bible study was the ultimate testing and application of their faith, which would conclude with their entrance into glory to receive their crown of righteousness from Christ and honor from all the saints awaiting them in the Lord’s presence.

On the other side of town, ten young men all under 20 years old put into place final arrangements for their ultimate act of faith, living out their love for Allah and hatred of infidels who they felt undermined Islam.

On Resurrection Sunday, five of these men had been to a by-invitation-only evangelistic service that Pastor Necati and his men had arranged at a hotel conference room in the city. The men were known to the believers as “seekers.” No one knows what happened in the hearts of those men as they listened to the gospel. Were they touched by the Holy Spirit? Were they convicted of sin? Did they hear the gospel in their heart of hearts? Today we only have the beginning of their story.

These young men, one of whom is the son of a mayor in the Province of Malatya, are part of a tarikat, or a group of “faithful believers” in Islam. Tarikat membership is highly respected here; it’s like a fraternity membership. In fact, it is said that no one can get into public office without membership in a tarikat. These young men all lived in the same dorm, all preparing for university entrance exams.

The young men got guns, breadknives, ropes and towels ready for their final act of service to Allah. They knew there would be a lot of blood. They arrived in time for the Bible Study, around 10 o’clock.

They arrived, and apparently the Bible Study began. Reportedly, after Necati read a chapter from the Bible the assault began. The boys tied Ugur, Necati, and Tilman’s hands and feet to chairs and as they videoed their work on their cellphones, they tortured our brothers for almost three hours*

Details of the torture—

Tilman was stabbed 156 times, Necati 99 times and Ugur’s stabs were too numerous to count.

They were disemboweled, and their intestines sliced up in front of their eyes. They were emasculated and watched as those body parts were destroyed. Fingers were chopped off, their noses and mouths and anuses were sliced open.

Possibly the worst part was watching as their brothers were likewise tortured.

Finally, their throats were sliced from ear to ear, heads practically decapitated.]

Neighbors in workplaces near the printhouse said later they had heard yelling, but assumed the owners were having a domestic argument so they did not respond.

Meanwhile, another believer Gokhan and his wife had a leisurely morning. He slept in till 10, ate a long breakfast and finally around 12:30 he and his wife arrived at the office. The door was locked from the inside, and his key would not work. He phoned and though it had connection on his end he did not hear the phone ringing inside. He called cell phones of his br! others and finally Ugur answered his phone. “We are not at the office. Go to the hotel meeting. We are there. We will come there,” he said cryptically. As Ugur spoke Gokhan heard in the telephone’s background weeping and a strange snarling sound.

He phoned the police, and the nearest officer arrived in about five minutes. He pounded on the door, “Police, open up!” Initially the officer thought it was a domestic disturbance. At that point they heard another snarl and a gurgling moan. The police understood that sound as human suffering, prepared the clip in his gun and tried over and over again to burst through the door. One of the frightened assailants unlocked the door for the policeman, who entered to find a grisly scene.

Tilman and Necati had been slaughtered, practically decapitated with their necks slit from ear to ear. Ugur’s throat was likewise slit and he was barely alive. Three assailants in front of the policeman dropped their weapons.

Meanwhile Gokhan heard a sound of yelling in the street. Someone had fallen from their third story office. Running down, he found a man on the ground, whom he later recognized, named Emre Gunaydin. He had massive head trauma and, strangely, was snarling. He had tried to climb down the drainpipe to escape, and losing his balance had plummeted to the ground. It seems that he was the main leader of the attackers. Another assailant was found hiding on a lower balcony.

To untangle the web we need to back up six years. In April 2001, the National Security Council of Turkey (Milli Guvenlik Kurulu) began to consider evangelical Christians as a threat to national security, on equal footing as Al Quaida and PKK terrorism. Statements made in the press by political leaders, columnists and commentators have fueled a hatred against missionaries who they claim bribe young people to change their religion.

After that decision in 2001, attacks and threats on churches, pastors and Christians began. Bombings, physical attacks, verbal and written abuse are only some of the ways Christians are being targetted. Most significant is the use of media propaganda.

From December 2005, after having a long meeting regarding the Christian threat, the wife of Former Prime Minister Ecevit, historian Ilber Ortayli, Professor Hasan Unsal, Politician Ahmet Tan and writer/propogandist Aytunc Altindal, each in their own profession began a campaign to bring the public’s attention to the looming threat of Christians who sought to “buy their children’s souls”. Hidden cameras in churches have taken church service footage and used it sensationally to promote fear and antagonism toward Christianity.

In an official televised response from Ankara, the Interior Minister of Turkey smirked as he spoke of the attacks on our brothers. Amid public outrage and protests against the event and in favor of freedom of religion and freedom of thought, media and official comments ring with the same message, “We hope you have learned your lesson. We do not want Christians here.”

It appears that this was an organized attack initiated by an unknown adult tarikat leader. As in the Hrant Dink murder in January 2007, and a Catholic priest Andrea Santoro in February 2006, minors are being used to commit religious murders because public sympathy for youth is strong and they face lower penalties than an adult convicted of the same crime. Even the parents of these children are in favor of the acts. The mother of the 16 year old boy who killed the Catholic priest Andrea Santoro looked at the cameras as her son was going to prison and said, “he will serve time for Allah.”

The young men involved in the killing are currently in custody. Today news reported that they would be tried as terrorists, so their age would not affect the strict penalty. Assailant Emre Gunaydin is still in intensive care. The investigation centers around him and his contacts and they say will fall apart if he does not recover.

The Church in Turkey responded in a way that honored God as hundreds of believers and dozens of pastors flew in as fast as they could to stand by the small church of Malatya and encourage the believers, take care of legal issues, and represent Christians to the media.

When Susanne Tilman expressed her wish to bury her husband in Malatya, the Governor tried to stop it, and when he realized he could not stop it, a rumor was spread that “it is a sin to dig a grave for a Christian.” In the end, in an undertaking that should be remembered in Christian history forever, the men from the church in Adana (near Tarsus), grabbed shovels and dug a grave for their slain brother in an un-tended hundred year old Armenian graveyard.

Ugur was buried by his family in an Alevi Muslim ceremony in his hometown of Elazig, his believing fiance watching from the shadows as his family and friends refused to accept in death the faith Ugur had so long professed and died for.

Necati’s funeral took place in his hometown of Izmir, the city where he came to faith. The darkness does not understand the light. Though the churches expressed their forgiveness for the event, Christians were not to be trusted. Before they would load the coffin onto the plane from Malatya, it went through two separate xray exams to make sure it was not loaded with explosives. This is not a usual procedure for Muslim coffins.

Necati’s funeral was a beautiful event. Like a glimpse of heaven, thousands of Turkish Christians and missionaries came to show their love for Christ, and their honor for this man chosen to die for Christ. Necati’s wife Shemsa told the world, “His death was full of meaning, because he died for Christ and he lived for Christ… Necati was a gift from God. I feel honored that he was in my life, I feel crowned with honor. I want to be worthy of that honor.”

Boldly the believers took their stand at Necati’s funeral, facing the risks of being seen publicly and likewise becoming targets. As expected, the anti-terror police attended and videotaped everyone attending the funeral for their future use. The service took place outside at Buca Baptist church, and he was buried in a small Christian graveyard in the outskirts of Izmir.

Two assistant Governors of Izmir were there solemnly watching the event from the front row. Dozens of news agencies were there documenting the events with live news and photographs. Who knows the impact the funeral had on those watching? This is the beginning of their story as well. Pray for them.

In an act that hit front pages in the largest newspapers in Turkey, Susanne Tilman in a television interview expressed her forgiveness. She did not want revenge, she told reporters. “Oh God, forgive them for they know not what they do,” she said, wholeheartedly agreeing with the words of Christ on Calvary (Luke 23:34).

In a country where blood-for-blood revenge is as normal as breathing, many many reports have come to the attention of the church of how this comment of Susanne Tilman has changed lives. One columnist wrote of her comment, “She said in one sentence what 1000 missionaries in 1000 years could never do.”

The missionaries in Malatya will most likely move out, as their families and children have become publicly identified as targets to the hostile city. The remaining 10 believers are in hiding. What will happen to this church, this light in the darkness? Most likely it will go underground. Pray for wisdom, that Turkish brothers from other cities will go to lead the leaderless ch! urch. Should we not be concerned for that great city of Malatya, a city that does not know what it is doing? (Jonah 4:11)

When our Pastor Fikret Bocek went with a brother to give a statement to the Security Directorate on Monday they were ushered into the Anti-Terror Department. On the wall was a huge chart covering the whole wall listing all the terrorist cells in Izmir, categorized. In one prominent column were listed all the evangelical churches in Izmir. The darkness does not understand the light. “These that have turned the world upside down are come hither also.” (Acts 17:6)

Please pray for the Church in Turkey. “Don’t pray against persecution, pray for perseverance,” urges Pastor Fikret Bocek.

The Church is better having lost our brothers; the fruit in our lives, the renewed faith, the burning desire to spread the gospel to quench more darkness in Malatya …all these are not to be regretted. Pray that we stand strong against external opposition and especially pray that we stand strong against internal struggles with sin, our true debilitating weakness.

This we know. Christ Jesus was there when our brothers were giving their lives for Him. He was there, like He was when Stephen was being stoned in the sight of Saul of Tarsus.

Someday the video of the deaths of our brothers may reveal more to us about the strength that we know Christ gave them to endure their last cross, about the peace the Spirit of God endowed them with to suffer for their beloved Savior. But we know He did not leave their side. We know their minds were full of Scripture strengthening them to endure, as darkness tried to subdue the unsubduable Light of the Gospel. We know, in whatever way they were able, with a look or a word, they encouraged one another to stand strong. We know they knew they would soon be with Christ.

We don’t know the details. We don’t know the kind of justice that will or will not be served on this earth.

But we pray— and urge you to pray— that someday at least one of those five boys will come to faith because of the testimony in death off Tilman Geske, who gave his life as a missionary to his beloved Turks, and the testimonies in death of Necati Aydin and Ugur Yuksel, the first martyrs for Christ out of the Turkish Church.

http://www.opensourcetheology.net/node/1236






2009年9月18日星期五

[焦点:走入吉兰丹之四]这里的非穆斯林不怕回教


[焦点:走入吉兰丹之四]这里的非穆斯林不怕回教

时间:2009-09-11 14:35:33 来源:本报报道 作者:陈锐嫔、摄影:巫靖诗

走入东海岸这片长期被回教党统治的州属,寻常如大马其他地方的城镇,要说有不同,那该是街道上的路牌,除了马来文字外,还有爪夷文吧。

走进华人小贩中心,有卖槟城虾面、叉烧饭、云吞面、猪肉粉......的档子,和其他州属没有什么两样嘛。哦,啤酒吗?华人餐厅是可以卖的,但是需要申请执照就是了。

早上走一趟哥打峇鲁的巴刹,从最大的清一色女性摊贩的卡蒂雅(Khadijah)巴刹逛到隔几条街的另一个巴刹,从一个由各族摊贩贩卖各种鱼类蔬菜的小巷穿过,就到了哥市公开贩卖猪肉的地方。这个地方也是回教党最“引以为傲”的“业绩”之一:说我们这里是回教州,但是我们允许公开贩卖猪肉,大马其他州属还做不到呢。

要去巴刹的中途有点走失了,看到一家神料店外有一个年轻小伙子,就跑去问路,然后随口问啊:“觉得回教党领导怎样啊?”小伙子害羞跑掉了,身后的爸爸用福建话随口接:“很好啊,也很尊重华人,这里的人都不怕回教党。”

回教党支持者俱乐部全国主席符芳桥说,回教一直都被误解,其实回教与马来人是两回事。

此外,符芳桥也表示,在回教党的党章中,是没有提到要成立回教国的。“回教党党章只提到要建立一个公正、民主、自由和廉洁的国家,没有提到要成立回教国。”

他说,回教并不是一个僵化的宗教。“如果用穆斯林的角度去思考,猪与酒并不是问题。可兰经上说,在没有其他食物可以吃的情况下,穆斯林是可以吃猪肉的;另外,穆斯林为了治病的用途,是可以饮酒的。”

“吉兰丹的华人对回教以及马来文化的认识比较深入,而且吉兰丹回教党都是采取柔和处理的方式,所以人民就慢慢接受了回教党。”马华哥打峇鲁区会主席陈永生如是分析。

不止华人对回教党执政的表现感到满意,印度人亦如是。

在没有预约的情况下到访丹州行政议员陈升顿的办公室,和我们一起等待的,还有一个手里拿着奖状的印度老人(左上图)。

好奇心起的我们,和印度老人聊了起来,他说,今天来是要拿这个感谢状给陈升顿,因为在他的帮助下,印度人在市区内有了印度庙的膜拜场所(左下图)。

问及他对回教党这个执政党的看法,他说:“这里的议员都很随和,很容易亲近,人民有问题找他们,他们也会尽力帮忙解决。此外,州务大臣也是一个简单的人,很受大家爱戴。”

他说:“吉兰丹是个各族和谐共处的地方,生活消费也很低,而且这里的人都会互相帮助,是个和平的地方。”

当州内执政党可以公平对待各族,让各族都对它的表现感到满意的时候,这个执政党是不是被标签为终极目标是要建立回教国的回教党,似乎已经不再重要了。看来,回教党可以在吉兰丹执政20年,也拿下华人占多数的哥打峇鲁市议席,并不是没有原因的。

但是如果这个州的回教色彩越来越浓烈的时候,人们是否还是像以前一样的支持他呢?从事建筑行业的陈永生在访谈的时候,就有点小埋怨的说:“这里的市议会在两、三年前规定,在哥打峇鲁市新建的建筑物必须要有回教色彩,不然不给予批准。”

我这才想起,早上我们经过还在建造中的百盛购物中心时,我与记者靖诗还讨论说:“这里的购物中心还蛮有回教特色哦。”而原来,就是这么一回事。

阅读 [焦点:走入吉兰丹之一] 在吉兰丹的马华与华社 请点击这里

阅读 [焦点:走入吉兰丹之二] 吉兰丹回教党的未来 请点击这里

阅读 [焦点:走入吉兰丹之三] 在吉兰丹的马华与华社 请点击这里

阅读 [焦点:走入吉兰丹之五] 喜欢香水的聂阿兹 请点击这里

http://www.therocknews.com/dama/focus/7969.html




2009年9月15日星期二

饮酒会被判鞭刑,投资酒业倒是可以?


出任San Miguel董事
米尔占投资酿酒公司

作者/本刊梁志华 Sep 11, 2009 12:25:13 pm

【本刊梁志华撰述】饮酒会被判鞭刑,投资酒业倒是可以?前首相马哈迪长子米尔占(Mirzan Mahathir)投资酿酒公司——菲律宾上市公司San Miguel公司(San Miguel Corp),并获委任为该公司的董事。

根据《马来西亚局内人》(The Malaysia Insider)的报道指出,San Miguel公司于上周在菲律宾交易所发表文告,公布委任米尔占(左图)成为该公司的董事。San Miguel公司是菲律宾最大的食品与饮料集团,并持有San Miguel酿酒厂(San Miguel Brewery Inc)。

据了解,米尔占是代表Q-Tech Alliance控股(Q-Tech Alliance Holdings Inc)成为San Miguel公司的董事。米尔占持有Q-Tech Alliance控股的股权,而Q-Tech Alliance控股则在近期以马币29亿元,从日本Kirin Holdings手中,收购San Miguel公司的19.9%股权。

Kirin Holdings利用脱售该批股权所得的29亿元,来收购San Miguel酿酒厂的49%股权。在完成这项企业收购行动后,San Miguel公司还是持有San Miguel酿酒厂51%股权。

拥有一个世纪历史的San Miguel酿酒厂,占有菲律宾啤酒市场高达95%的市场份额。该公司在菲律宾、中国、印尼以及马来西亚酿酒,除了内销之外,还出口到全球60个市场。

政府基金不准投资酒业

尽管从公司前景来看,米尔占作出相当明知的投资决策,但是,这却与马来西亚保守的回教社会相抵触,使得上述投资行动显得非常具争议性。

作为一个回教徒占大多数的国家,赌博和酒在马来西亚属于高度敏感的项目。我国回教社会认定,回教教义禁止信徒喝酒和从事赌博活动,同时,政府投资基金都不被允许涉猎从事赌业或啤酒业的公司。

此外,近期,马来西亚回教徒女模特儿卡蒂卡(Kartika Sari Dewi Shukarno)更因公开喝啤酒,违反回教法,遭回教法院判处六下笞刑;莎亚南官员到便利店取缔啤酒,以及回教党反对雪州商店售卖啤酒等,引起了轩然大波。

米尔占的企业策略一直以来都存在争议性。他曾经掌控被誉为马来西亚海军船坞的船务控股公司(Konsortium Perkapalan Bhd),在1997/98年亚洲金融风暴时陷入困境,马哈迪被指出手拯救这家公司。最终,米尔占被迫将这家公司卖给MISC公司(Malaysia International Shipping Corporation)。



2009年9月7日星期一

一座兴都庙的规划

一座兴都庙的规划
杨善勇
9月6日
上午 11点55分
莎阿南23区迁徙兴都庙引爆牛头示威,缘由毕竟何在?莎阿南国会议员卡立沙末向《东方日报》记者刘爱凤解释,这是因为单元的城市规划思维狭隘,忽视多元宗教,“埋下这场计时风暴的伏线”。

蓝图忽略其他宗教膜拜场所

举例言之,莎阿南从第1区到24区据悉共有十座兴都庙宇,三座已在宪报公布,仍有七座有待搬迁。卡立沙末因此感概多端,如果政府一早将之列入发展规划,如今便不会出现场这场争议。

卡立沙末揭露,前朝政府的城市规划蓝图,仅仅纳入回教堂(masjid)与小回教堂(surau)的发展,忽略其他宗教的膜拜场所,造成许多原建在园丘兴都庙皆面临被搬的难题。

然则,莎阿南土地密集,搬迁谈何容易?卡立沙末提出了民联政府的关键策略在于“把宗教膜拜场所纳入城市规划蓝图”,可惜,“现有密集地区的空地已被其他发展项目占有,物色(非穆斯林的)宗教膜拜场的搬迁地点,需要时间解决”。

回应卡立沙末这些说辞,有两点需要注意的是,一、莎阿南不是原本就变成“土地密集”的。恰恰相反,这个地方是个宽敞的新镇,但是,为何当局不能从一开始就援引规划标准满足各个民族的宗教需要?

二、按照莎阿南市政厅既定的规划标准,每1百至2百名穆斯林便可设立一座小回教堂,而非穆斯林的则是每2500位一间庙宇。据卡立说莎阿南每三区的印裔族群已逾2500人,既然如此,为何眼前还会出现这个争议?

远在莎阿南开市前就遇困境

我从不认为莎阿南23区一座兴都庙的规划,是属于城市规划的议题。1982年8月陈志勤医生和马哈迪医生两人对谈, 德高望重,极富民望的陈医生一早公开向这位前前首相提到莎阿南非穆斯林的困境。

陈医生直陈“莎阿南是一个经典的前科。远在莎阿南开市之前,我们已经(为造建教堂)申请土地”。他说:“在莎阿南,他们不会明白拒绝你的土地申请,老是借口我们在考虑中”。

陈医生说得再清楚不过:you know ever since Shah Alam has been built, no other religious body has been able to get a piece of land there to build a place of worship except Muslims。

见诸《Tan Chee Khoon:From Village Boy to Mr. Opposition》(Kuala Lumpur: Pelanduk; 1991 )页64的这些说话,经过了廿年光景的沉淀,再历经308政变的洗礼,事情是否有所彻底的改变?

2009年9月6日星期日

毫不留情∶哞迪卡快乐!

毫不留情∶哞迪卡快乐!

有好多大马人都出生于1957年8月31日以后,也有好多人是在1969年5月13日之后才出世的。因此,他们所知道的历史是那些被允许出现在历史书中的内容。好吧!在庆祝完『哞迪卡』第五十二周年后,就让《今日大马》带您走入大马历史课程的简介。

有好多大马人都出生于1957年8月31日以后,也有好多人是在1969年5月13日之后才出世的。因此,他们所知道的历史是那些被允许出现在历史书中的内容。好吧!在庆祝完『哞迪卡』第五十二周年后,就让《今日大马》带您走入大马历史课程的简介。

最近在沙安南的局势发展改变了整个国庆日的庆祝气氛,一直以来我们说知道的『默迪卡日』(Merdeka Day)已经改名为『哞迪卡日』(Moodeka Day)了。全体大马人将会记得当天把牛头拖往雪州州秘书处作为抗议的事。


当 然,这看来好像是在抗议一所位于沙安南的兴都庙由19区迁往23区,其实,这场示威是要针对州务大臣丹斯里卡立(Khalid Ibrahim)、公正党行政议员罗兹雅伊斯迈(Rodziah Ismail),以及回教党国会议员卡立沙末(Khalid Samad)。他们把西维尔(Xavier Jayakumar)医生也卷进去,好让整件事情比较『平衡』,机关这位好大夫是一名基督教徒,而不是兴都教徒。

这所兴都庙建于150年前,它目前在所在地在当时还是雪州的一片森林。后来森林被清理了,变成橡胶园丘,不久,因为印度园丘工人的需要,庙宇出现了。因此,在沙安南成为一个住宅区之前,这所庙宇早已建起来了,更何况是马来住宅区呢?

这 样说来,这些住宅被一所百年老庙所侵蚀,这不是说兴都庙建筑在一个住宅区,或马来住宅区,实际上是住宅区建筑在兴都庙的地区上,因此,是这些住宅『干扰』 了兴都庙,而不是调转过来。可是兴都庙被要求迁离,因为它被指责干扰了住宅区,然而,应该是兴都教徒进行抗议才对,因为现在是住宅区『干扰』了他们的庙 宇。

现在,上述的事件与庆祝国庆日有何关系呢?一点关系也没有!可是如果我带出这个课题的话,我要如何解释为何国庆日将永远将被人记住为『哞迪卡』日呢?

可是『哞迪卡日』只可使用在西马,东马人在1963年9月16日之前还未独立。可是东马人却也被叫来,在8月31日庆祝『哞迪卡日』或独立日。虽然夏威夷人也得庆祝美国独立日,尽管他们并不是独立于1776年7月4日,实际上对它的殖民统治是在1959年8月21日。

可 是夏威夷人不介意,他们心里知道他们从来也没在1776年7月4日独立过。其实,他们甚至也没在1959年8月21日获得独立,因为他们当时成为了附属 国,而不是获得自由。可是,成为美国的第51个州之后,他们现在可使用美元作为他们的货币,这比他们一向用来做交易的珠子值钱多了。

当 然,今天的美元已经不比夏威夷人曾用来当货币的珠子值钱了。美国政府印刷的钞票太多了,它们已经无法追溯所发行的美元总数了。今天的美元就好比马来亚日据 时期的『香蕉票』,唯一的差别是,当年日本战败了,不是美国。香蕉票已经一文不值了,可是美元却依旧被接受为有效货币。可是,如果美国当时打败仗,反而是 日本赢了。那在今天来说,香蕉钱将是我们的交易货币,而不是美元了。

如果我们需要在石油市场交易的话,美元是公认的货币,这是无可置疑的。可是,如果我们突然使用其他货币进行石油交易的话,『啵』的一声,美元将会和日本香蕉票一样下场。

可 是,当然事这些将不会发生,因为全世界的独裁者,以及贪污的领袖都把他们的肮脏钱以美元收藏起来。如果美元突然像日本香蕉票那样贬值的话,所有窃国盗民的 亿万富翁将会在一夜间破产。因此,为了全世界贪污腐败的人士的利益,他们会确保美元继续维持它的价值,这样的话他们就可以继续成为亿万富翁了。就是这样, 石油交易将会依旧使用美元交易,为的只是那些贪污的人的群体利益——世界贪污人士联盟。

夏威夷人因为美元的好处而心甘情愿的被美国人占领,可是他们开始逐渐的意识到美元已经开始失去它的吸引力了。直到有一天,珠子的价值将高过美元,到了那个时刻,夏威夷人将会恢复使用珠子作为他们的合法货币,夏威夷人将会要求独立,而美国也将会减少至50个州属。

同 样的情况也发生在东马,他们意识到汶莱币比马币更加值钱,汶莱币与新币挂钩,在新加坡,它被接受与新币同等价值。可是,马币的价值不止偏低,而且不能在新 加坡使用。新加坡的商店不接受马币。同时『臺底交易』也很难用马币进行,因为马币的最大币值是50令吉,而新币的最大币值是一万新元。

想 象一下,如果要贿赂一名马来西亚政客,你要使用多少个袋子才能装满一千万令吉现款?比较一下使用马币和新币付钱,何者比较方便呢?因此,如果你要付钱给马 来西亚政客的话,新币是比较好用的。这也就是为何,东马人比较喜欢新币多过马币。这样说来,如果要使用马币贿赂时这样困难的话,沙巴和砂朥越成为大马的一 部分有什么好处可言?

无论如何,东马人感到气愤,因为他们被叫到以8月31日作为他们的国庆日,而最新的国庆日被称之为五十二周年。这是因为他们不单从没在8月31日独立,严格来说,是由始至终也未有独立过,同时,在实质意义上,他们也未曾与马来西亚『合并』。

你看吧!马来亚在1963年9月16日早已存在,其实,它早在这个日期前,已经存在了六年。因此,马来亚从英国手中独立的六年后,马来亚邀请了沙巴、砂朥越、新加坡和汶莱,共同成立一个新的国家,成为马来西亚。

汶 莱当然拒绝了,这位苏丹知道,到时他们将不会被『合并』成为新国家,实际上他们会被马来亚『殖民』。其实,马来亚策动了阿扎哈利(Azahari)发动革 命,企图推翻这位苏丹。这位苏丹在知道后更加坚信马来亚的意图是『含有恶意的』(mala fide)。后来,当新加坡分家后,或者说,被马来西亚踢走后,这就看是哪方写的历史了,这使得汶莱苏丹更加深信不疑,他坚信自己的决定是正确的。

沙 巴和砂朥越虽然没与马来西亚『分家』,可是毫无疑问的,在当时,据说一些东马领袖也在思考做出与新加坡一样的动作。可是,这些领袖却不知何故的全部死在一 场空难中,既然『死人没法说故事』,我们将永远也不知道事实真相了。在那场事故发生后,东马领导层即刻掉入『亲马来西亚』的集团手中,那些剩余的『反马来 西亚』派系在看到那些高喊脱离马来西亚的人士的下场后,决定乖乖的听从西马领袖的话,这回比死在空难还要安全些。

可是为何东马人如此对马 来西亚不满呢?对各位新来的,这样说好了!五成石油和天然气收益来自东马,可是他们却没有分得五成的发展经费。实际上,另五成的石油和天然气来自登嘉楼, 可是他们也没获得五成的发展经费。登嘉楼甚至就连5%的石油开采税也没拿到手,就如同东马州属所说过的那样,这种情况至少在1990 年以前是这样,钱都去了巫统那里。

争执的主干在于,东马从未加入马来西亚,也很肯定的不是那个他们被叫庆祝他们的国庆日或『哞迪卡日』的 日子——1957年8月31日。当时,沙巴、砂朥越和汶莱被邀请,在根据与马来亚同等地位的条件下,共同成立一个称为马来西亚的新国家,因此,沙巴、砂朥 越和汶莱将于马来亚同等,而不是马来西亚的其中一个州属。

可是,到了今天,马来西亚却说有13个州属,本来有14个,新加坡被踢掉之后减 少了一个。可是,这不是真的,马来亚原本有11个州属——玻璃市、吉打、霹雳、雪兰莪、马六甲、森美兰、柔佛、彭亨、登嘉楼和吉兰丹。这11个州属受马来 亚联合邦的管辖。接着,马来亚联合邦与沙巴、砂朥越及新加坡合并,组成马来西亚。因此,当时即有了四个马来西亚属国——马来亚、沙巴、砂朥越和新加坡,而 不是14个州属。

这就是为何李光耀依然坚持被称为新加坡总理(Prime Minister of Singapore),可是马来亚首相(Prime Minister of Malaya)东姑阿都拉曼(Tunku Abdul Rahman)不同意。他要李光耀把他的名份『降阶』为新加坡首长(Chief Minister of Singapore),就如同沙巴和砂朥越的首长一样。东姑辩称,马来西亚不能有两位总理(Prime Ministers)。如果李光耀依然坚持要当新加坡总理的话,新加坡就得脱离马来西亚。

结果,新马就分家了。如果它不脱离,马来西亚将会为两位总理的事争论不休。

当然,现在马来西亚已经恢复使用两名总理的制度,我们大家都知道,总理二号是纳吉敦拉萨。如果新加坡继续留在马来西亚的话,我们会有三名总理。同时,你知道谁是罗斯玛曼梭的话,那李光耀为何什么是总理三号了。

毫 无疑问的,如果和西马11州比较起来的话,沙巴和砂拉越还是被允许有一些『额外好处』的。比方说,他们没有『州总警长』(Chief Police Officer,CPO),可是他们有『警监』(Police Commissioner),沙巴和砂朥越的警监能够在他们的大房车前挂满旗子,然后驾着它到处走,西马的州总警长们就办不到这一点。

沙巴和砂朥越的警监们可以使用警方的飞机飞来飞去,虽然他们这样做的话会被抓去起诉——就好比前沙巴州警监蓝利尤索夫(Ramli Yusuff)那样。如果全国总警长在你的官司中出庭作证,并说你在当天告假的话,即使你没做过也百口莫辩了。

更何况,西马律师不能在东马执业,除非他们获得批准,而沙巴和砂朥越移民局可以拒绝西马人入境这些州属。这是为了让人觉得马来西亚有在尊重『二十点协定』(20-Point Agreement),在协定下,沙巴和砂朥越不等同西马11州,而是与马来亚同等地位。

对西马人而言,是否应该在8月31日,或是9月16日庆祝国庆日都不重要,是否今年应该是52周年,或52减6周年也不重要。可是对东马人而言却不是这样,这就是西马人所缺乏的敏感度。

无论如何,如果东西马人也许会不同意这些观点,有一件事是全体大马人都会异口同声的同意的,2009年将永远被记得是『哞迪卡日』,这是为了纪念这个牛头的精神。这颗牛头被拖到位于沙安南的州秘书处,企图在雪州制造一场和不久前发生在霹雳州那样的政变。

大家哞迪卡日快乐!

出处∶Malaysia Today
原题∶No Hold Barred∶Selamat Moodeka
作者  ∶拉惹柏特拉
发表日期∶1-9-2009
翻译  ∶西西留

http://ccliew.blogspot.com/2009/09/blog-post_01.html

2009年9月5日星期六

指“牛头示威”短片具煽动成分 多媒体委会要求《当今》撤除



指“牛头示威”短片具煽动成分
多媒体委会要求《当今》撤除
9月4日 下午 2点52分
上周五的“牛头示威”余震不断,政府忙着灭火之际,大马通讯及多媒体委员会今日更发函要求《当今大马》撤下两部“牛头示威”的录影短片,其理由是有关短片具有煽动成分。

《当今大马》今早通过传真,接获多媒体委员会志期9月3日的公函,要求取下“煽动性短片”。

【点击阅读多媒体委员会函件】

指短片内容冒犯意图触怒印裔


这封由多媒体委员会监督与执法组高级代主任阿都拉林(Abdul Ralim Ahmad)签署的信函指出,该委员会接获数项投诉,指《当今大马》和YouTube网站出现“煽动和冒犯性”的短片。

“这些短片拥有冒犯性内容,意图触怒所有的人,尤其是印裔。这已经违反《1998年通讯及多媒体法令》211/233条款。”

如此一来,多媒体委员会要求《当今大马》采取立即行动,将两部相关短片从其《当今大马》和YouTube网站撤下。

要求撤下希山接见示威者短片

这两部被多媒体委员会点名的短片是:“庙宇抗议:居民携带牛头示威”和“希山:别责怪牛头示威者”

第二部短片是内政部长希山慕丁在两天前接见示威者时,在其新闻发布会所拍摄的现场短片。

多媒体委员会是新闻、通讯及文化部底下的一个政府机构,负责监督一切通讯及多媒体活动,包括私营电视台、电台和互联网。


罪成可被罚款五万或监禁一年


《1998年通讯及多媒体法令》211条款针对在网路上载“下流、猥亵、虚假、恶意或者冒犯性内容”,企图骚扰、辱骂、威胁或者骚扰任何人的行为。

一旦被定罪,一个人可以罚款不超过5万令吉,或者监禁不超过一年,或者两者兼施;若未来再犯,将可每天被罚款1000令吉。

另外,《1998年通讯及多媒体法令》233条款针对滥用网路设备或网路服务的使用。

任何人透过网路设备或服务,刻意制造、产生和征求,和造成下流、猥亵、虚假、恶意或者冒犯性内容的通讯,以惹恼、恐吓或骚扰任何人。一旦罪成,可面对不超过五万令吉罚款或监禁不超过一年或两者兼施,并将面对一项额外的罚款,若在罪成后重犯,每日罚款马币1000令吉。

颜重庆:涉公众利益不会撤下


针对多媒体委员会的要求,《当今大马》总编辑颜重庆表示,这两部短片是关乎公众利益的新闻事件。

“我们上载短片的目的,并非要冒犯任何人,而是履行我们新闻从业员的责任,让读者关注这宗示威事件,并且确保有关当局采取行动避免类似的事件重演。”

他表示,《当今大马》不打算撤下有关短片,并且正就此事寻求法律意见。

上周五(8月28日),50名自称来自沙亚南的人士携带血淋淋的牛头,到雪州政府大厦门前示威,抗议民联雪州政府批准在沙亚南23区兴建兴都庙的决定。对兴都教徒而言,牛是神圣的动物,因此此种示威方式引起民间和朝野的震惊。

不过,主办该示威的沙阿南23区居民行动委员会主席玛尤丁(Mahyuddin Manaf)却在翌日否认牛头跟他们有关,反指另有其人企图利用该牛头来“挑衅他们”。

他也否认示威活动有侮辱兴都教的企图,“我们不是反对兴都庙,我们只是不要它建立在一个穆斯林为主的地区”。

首相纳吉较后也发表声明,对“牛头示威”事件感到遗憾,并且命令总警长进行调查。

http://www.malaysiakini.com/news/112119

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多媒体委会对付《当今》本末倒置
新闻组织声称犹如陈云清事件再版
9月4日 傍晚 5点52分
大马通讯及多媒体委员会要求《当今大马》撤除两部“牛头示威”短片,已经招致媒体自由组织的批评。

独立新闻中心(CIJ)执行董事卡雅特里(Gayathry Venkiteswaran)发表文告批评,多媒体委员会此举是毫无必要的,同时也是政府机构企图让媒体噤声。

“多媒体委员会已经被误导,因为提出公众利益课题乃是媒体的职责。”

“问题的根源不是播放短片的媒体,而是示威者使用卑鄙的方式进行抗议。当局应该对付的是举行牛头示威的主办者,而不是报道新闻的媒体。”

短片无违反操守或不负责

卡雅特里表示,此举就像是去年9月《星洲日报》记者陈云清(左图)遭内安法令对付事件的重演。当时候该名记者只是报道槟城巫统领袖阿末依斯迈的讲座,不过却遭到当局对付。

她表示,多媒体委员会应该停止骚扰《当今大马》,因为有关短片并无不负责任或违反操守。

她说,如果多媒体委员会真的不想添加公愤的话,就应该支持公民社会的号召,拒绝使用任何暴力和憎恨的方式进行示威。

指“冒犯他人”的罪名脆弱


她表示,目前的通讯及多媒体法令允许当局以“脆弱的理由”进行过滤,例如法令没有很好的诠释“冒犯他人”的罪名。

她指出,多媒体委员会应该谨慎的评估各项投诉,并且了解媒体扮演的第四权角色。

“如果人们对短片感到不满,那么他们应该对任何尝试合法化暴力与憎恨作为一种表达方式感到不满。”

“公众有权利知道社会所发生的事情,唯有呈现更多及更公正准确的资讯,才能够减少冲突,而不是相反。”

http://www.malaysiakini.com/news/112155




容许牛头示威发出暴力威胁 廿一团体齐声要求希山下台

容许牛头示威发出暴力威胁
廿一团体齐声要求希山下台
李永杰
9月4日
下午 1点06分

下午1点35分更新

尽管沙亚南23区部分居民发动的“牛头示威”引发排山倒海的舆论抨击,但内政部长希山慕丁却仍在前天接见这些示威者,同时为他们缓颊。这种做法引起民愤,其中21个团体今天起来要求希山慕丁下台。

他们认为,希山慕丁接见并且袒护牛头示威者的做法,显示他“容许暴力和仇恨”,同时将法治和社会秩序视为无物。

“他现在必须辞职,或者被撤除内政部长的职务,因为他不能承担法律和秩序的责任。”

鼓励以暴力作为谈判手段

这些团体指出,希山慕丁在会见牛头示威者的时候竟然表示,“如果事件可以快速的解决,同时通过双方互相理解来行事……我们何必要处罚任何人?”

他们认为,内政部长这番言论无疑“鼓励(人们)以暴力威胁作为谈判手段”。

这廿一个团体的部分代表今午11点假隆雪华堂召开记者招待会,发表上述的立场。

出 席这次联署记者会的团体代表包括:隆雪华堂人权委员会的廖国华、雪兰莪社区自强协会(EMPOWER)的碧雅(Priya Subramaniam)、妇女行动协会(AWAM)的何玉苓、政策创议中心(CPI)的黄海伦(Helen Ang,音译)、“还明福一个公道”面子书组织的戴建新,以及研道社(Micah Mandate)的郭晓鸣牧师(rev. sivin kit)。

有辱内政部以及律师专业

负责念出文告的碧雅表示,希山慕丁将进行暴力威胁的分子粉饰为受害者,也合理化,同时间接地鼓励社群之间的仇恨。

“这种做法是爆炸性的,导致社群之间进行相互报复侮辱,因为每个社群都可以宣称自己是受害者。”

他们重申,希山慕丁原本就是一名律师,可是他的无视法律的行为却让该内政部和律师专业蒙受“前所未有的羞耻”。

关键在示威者的暴力威胁

碧雅(左图)重申,牛头示威事件的最关键的议题是,这些示威者向沙阿南兴都社群,以及雪州政府发出“暴力威胁”。

如此一来,他们认为警方应该针对这些示威者是否确实曾发出暴力恫言,阻止兴都庙被迁移到23区。

牛头从何来根本无关要旨


“指牛头是不明人士带去的说法毫无说服力,而且根本无关主旨。”

“没有人可以被容许作出暴力威胁,只因为他觉得‘被牺牲’。任何人从事这种行为的人必须受到法律的制裁。否则,(我们)社会将沦入无政府状态。”

吁纳吉兑现严厉对付承诺


这些组织也也呼吁首相纳吉兑现其承诺,采取严厉的行动对付召唤使用暴力的示威人士。

他们指出,如果警方拒绝对牛头示威展开调查,而且检察署拒绝提供该些暴力分子,则“马来西亚人将以为,纳吉政府容许这样的暴力威胁成为政治工具。”

这些团体呼吁其他团体和个人也加入他们要求希山慕丁辞职的行列。若有团体要联署可以电邮到:crcklscah@gmail.com,而个人联署则可自行到他们设立的网页联署。

其 他参与联署的团体还有:人民议会(People's Parliament)、林连玉基金、政策创议中心(CPI)、人民之声、兴权会、学运(DEMA)、维护媒体独立撰稿人联盟(WAMI)、独立新闻中心 (CIJ)、回教姐妹会和议会改革倡导会(CSI@Parliament)、《视角》人文思想社会电子评刊编委会和大马回教改革理事会(JIM)等等。

http://www.malaysiakini.com/news/112106


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牛头示威挑衅行为应绳之以法
基督教联合会斥不顾宗教敏感
9月4日 上午 11点01分
沙亚南上周五发生的“牛头示威”事件,继续引起其他宗教团体的关注,马来西亚基督教联合会(Council of Churches of Malaysia)今日也出声,谴责这宗不顾宗教敏感的事件。

马来西亚基督教联合会总秘书黑尔曼(Hermen Shastri,左图)发表文告表示,他们无法理解为何示威者必须动用被兴都教徒视为圣物的牛头,来向州政府抗议一间兴都教庙宇被搬迁到沙亚南第23区的课题。

多元社会不能妥协挑衅行为


他说,这个做法不只是在道德和社会方面不适当,而且也无视宗教的敏感。

“那些进行这类荒谬行为的人必须被有关当局绳之以法。在马来西亚的多元社会,绝对不能妥协这种挑衅某个族群宗教感受的行为。”

他指出,不同宗教信仰的热爱和平的国人都相信,能够通过对话和共同努力寻找可行方案,来达至宗教之间的和平共处。

他表示,基督教联合会也呼吁雪州政府,立即召集各个相关单位,寻找各方都能够接受的解决方案。

http://www.malaysiakini.com/news/112092